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Vote splitting in Canada continues to shape election outcomes, often enabling incumbent governments despite a divided opposition and widespread voter dissatisfaction.

In the days following Ontario’s most recent provincial election, a tweet from Queen’s Park political reporter Ahmad Elbayoumi drew attention to potential post-election collaboration between opposition parties. According to the tweet, Ontario NDP MPP Catherine Fife is expected to meet with Liberal Party President Catherine McGarry to discuss how the opposition can avoid splitting the vote in future elections—particularly as a means to challenge Premier Doug Ford’s Progressive Conservatives.

The announcement has reignited debate over political strategy among Ontario’s opposition parties. While some view the prospect of collaboration as a positive step forward, others are questioning the timing and sincerity of such efforts, arguing that strategic cooperation is only being discussed after a decisive electoral defeat.

Critics of Ontario’s opposition strategy contend that the most effective time for coordination would have been before election day. Under the province’s first-past-the-post (FPTP) electoral system, candidates can win a riding with a plurality of votes, even if the majority of voters oppose them. This dynamic often results in unintended victories for incumbents when opposition parties divide the vote.

Some political observers argue that had the Ontario Liberals, NDP, and Greens formed a pre-election coalition—or even engaged in limited cooperation such as not running against each other in certain ridings—Premier Ford’s path to victory could have been significantly obstructed. A riding-by-riding strategy, in which only one “anti-Ford” candidate runs against the PC nominee, could have increased the opposition’s chances of flipping key constituencies.

Strategists often point to this kind of vote-splitting as a recurring issue across Canadian politics, not just in Ontario but at municipal and federal levels as well. Despite growing awareness of the impact FPTP has on election outcomes, opposition parties remain hesitant to make the kinds of tactical decisions that could change the balance of power—choices that would require prioritizing shared goals over partisan brand preservation.

The Greens, in particular, have faced scrutiny for running a full slate of candidates despite being unlikely to form government. Critics argue that smaller parties could play a pivotal role in a broader coalition effort, helping to amplify shared policy priorities—such as electoral reform—while increasing the overall competitiveness of opposition campaigns.

Political analysts have suggested that a short-term coalition with a clear mandate—such as replacing FPTP with proportional representation—could serve as both a unifying strategy and a long-term solution to the vote-splitting problem. After achieving electoral reform, the coalition could dissolve, allowing parties to compete on a more level playing field.

For now, opposition parties appear to be revisiting the idea of cross-party cooperation, but whether that translates into action remains to be seen. The challenge moving forward will be whether Ontario’s political leadership is willing to make strategic sacrifices in the short term for the sake of long-term gains—and whether they can shift from post-election reflection to pre-election coordination.